CHAPTER 26 Atypical Behavior: Self-Injury and Pica
Atypical behavior, in the form of self-injury and pica, are among the most perplexing forms of psychopathology in children and adolescents. Both are highly conspicuous behavioral phenomena that, despite many years of clinical interest and dedicated research, are not well understood. A variety of theories have been offered to explain the motivational and biological bases underlying these behaviors. However, the true reason why children and adolescents engage in such activities remains a mystery. The purpose of this chapter is to review the definition, taxonomy, and prevalence of self-injury and pica in children and adolescents. In addition, the chapter contains a review of advances made toward understanding the motivational and biological bases for engaging in these behaviors, a discussion of the indications for intervention, and a review of the latest empirically based treatment approaches.
SELF-INJURIOUS BEHAVIOR
Self-injurious behavior is defined as the deliberate infliction of harm to one’s own body.1 Self-injury in children and adolescents may take various forms, ranging from severe and suicidal behavior to relatively mild and socially acceptable tattooing, piercing, and branding. This chapter, however, focuses on the two subtypes of self-injurious behavior with which patients most commonly present for treatment: stereotyped self-injury and impulsive self-injury. Stereotyped self-injury is repetitive in nature and are observed mostly in children and adolescents with autism spectrum disorders, mental retardation, and developmental disabilities.2 Impulsive self-injury takes the form of a habitual behavior frequently encountered in adolescents and associated with serious personality disorder.3
Common forms of stereotyped self-injury in children and adolescents with developmental disabilities include self-biting, self-punching, self-scratching, self-pinching, and repetitive banging of the head and limbs against solid, unyielding surfaces such as walls, tables, and floors. Less common forms of stereotyped self-injury include repeatedly dislocating and relocating joints (especially the fingers and jaw); repetitive eye pressing and gouging; pulling out one’s own hair, teeth, or fingernails; and twisting or tearing of the ears and genitals. Deliberate and forceful striking of the knee to the face and head is a unique and potentially lethal form of stereotyped self-injury that may result in detached retinas, serious damage to soft tissue, and fracture of the mandible and periorbital area. In rare cases, death results. Fortunately, most children with developmental disabilities who engage in stereotyped self-injury respond favorably to treatment. Behavior therapy with positive reinforcement strategies,4 medication,5 and various combinations of behavior therapy and medication6 are frequently reported as successful in virtually eliminating the disorder. However, a significant minority of children with special needs are unresponsive to treatment. Stereotyped self-injury in this refractory group is at high risk of escalating to life-threatening proportions, and as a result, affected children must use highly restrictive protective equipment, such as helmets, padded mitts, and arm and leg restraints, among other individually tailored pieces of protective clothing.7
The principal forms of impulsive self-injury, sometimes referred to as self-mutilation, include skin cutting and skin burning.8 However, episodic self-hitting, self-rubbing, self-scratching, and needle-sticking also may be observed. Skin cutting may be performed with a sharp conventional instrument, such as a razor blade, scissors, or a paring knife, or with a relatively blunt mechanism, such as a table knife. Skin cutting also may be accomplished with unconventional but nonetheless sharp objects, such as a wood splinter, a nail or screw, a bottle cap, a glass shard, and paper. Skin burning is frequently accomplished with lighted cigarettes and matches. However, the use of heated metal is not uncommon, and the use of a heated light bulb is an overlooked source. The typical profile associated with impulsive self-injury involves a mid- to late adolescent child of average or above average intelligence with comorbid borderline personality disorder and/or depression.9 Impulsive self-injurious acts are typically superficial in nature, with a low risk of lethality. Approximately two thirds of adolescents who have engaged in impulsive self-injury have reported experiencing some form of a sense of relief after an episode.10 Psychosocial approaches to the treatment of impulsive self-injury tend to focus on the underlying personality disorder or affective illness and include behavior modification, cognitive-behavioral therapy (specifically, cognitive restructuring), and dialectical behavior therapy (DBT).11 Similarly, pharmacotherapy for impulsive self-injury follows loosely established guidelines for treatment of personality disorder and affective disorder; selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) and low-dose atypical antipsychotic medications are first- and second-line drug treatments, respectively.12
Prevalence
Stereotyped self-injurious behavior affects approximately 16% of the child and adolescent population with pervasive developmental disorder (autism, Rett syndrome, Asperger syndrome, pervasive developmental disorder not otherwise specified), and mental retardation.13 Prevalence rates vary in accordance with the level of severity of developmental disability. Self-injury is rare (1%) in children with mild mental retardation. Prevalence rates of self-injury are 9% among children with moderate mental retardation, whereas they are 16% and 27% among children with severe and profound mental retardation, respectively. There is a slightly higher relative prevalence among boys (53%).
Impulsive self-injury affects approximately 1.5% to 3% of the adolescent population.14 Rates of 40% to 61% have been reported for samples of adolescent psychiatric inpatients.15 Prevalence rates of impulsive self-injury as high as 80% have been reported among adolescents and young adults with borderline personality disorder. Intermittent explosive disorder (75%), post-traumatic stress disorder (60%), substance abuse disorder (50%), and eating disorder (48%) are additional psychiatric conditions with elevated prevalence rates of self-injury.16 Conduct problems, anxiety disorders, obsessive-compulsive disorder, affective disorder, eating disorder, substance abuse, family violence, family alcohol abuse, sexual abuse, and physical abuse are also frequently present in the developmental histories of adolescents with impulsive self-injury.17
Cause
The mechanisms by which self-injurious behavior is developed and maintained are not well understood. For the most part, children and adolescents who engage in either stereotyped or impulsive self-injury are a heterogeneous and ill-defined group. Despite the fact that they may be grouped into two broad categories (i.e., developmental disabilities and personality disorder) on the basis of diagnoses, the reasons why a particular child or adolescent engages in self-injury may be entirely different from those for another child or adolescent who engages in self-injury, even if the diagnoses of the two children are the same and the self-injurious behavior in question takes the same form. In this regard, researchers18–20 have delineated a number of motivational and biological hypotheses fundamental for children and adolescents who engage in self-injurious behavior. Of importance is that none of the proposed hypotheses are viewed as excluding each other. It is highly likely—and, in fact, expected—that one hypothesis overlaps with and complements one or more of the other hypotheses.
LEARNING THEORY
Self-injury in children and adolescents is a dramatic event that draws immediate attention and concern from adults. Parents, siblings, teachers, and friends, acting in good faith, may intuitively seek to provide comforting measures or modify and suspend limits or demands on a child or adolescent because it has the effect of stopping the self-injury, at least for the time being. In this regard, learning theory provides a useful insight as to how self-injury may be inadvertently reinforced and maintained by caretakers. Under certain circumstances, comforting measures intended to stop self-injury may result, paradoxically, in an increased frequency of the child’s self-injurious behavior because the child receives attention and caring after engaging in self-injury.20a Similarly, modifying or eliminating expectations in response to a child’s self-injury also runs the risk of inadvertently teaching the child that self-injury is an effective way to communicate protest and to escape from nonpreferred tasks or stressful situations. The immediate effects of providing either comforting measures or “giving in” to the child’s protests quite often results in the temporary interruption of self-injurious behavior. In the long run, however, these approaches are likely to have the unintentional effect of promoting and strengthening self-injurious behavior and worsening the child’s problem.
DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY
According to developmental theory, self-injury is a unique subset of behaviors emerging from the larger category of repetitive behaviors commonly observed in infancy.21 In this regard, repetitive behavior is seen as occurring during the normal progression of early developmental stages and reflective of the child’s maturational process. Piaget22 viewed repetitive motor movements as reflecting the earliest stages of intellectual growth (i.e., sensorimotor period of development). For the infant, engaging in repetitive acts, or “circular reactions,” as Piaget termed them, emerges from an innate propensity for repetition, which allows infants to learn about their bodies. During the first year of life, the extent to which infants continue to engage in repetitive activity affects their ability to develop adaptive environment manipulation, which ultimately, helps them understand the world. Repetitive behavior would then decrease across the normal developmental trajectory as the child learns more adaptive and mature behavior, such as communication, to interact with the environment.
For children not progressing in accordance with the normal developmental trajectory, engaging in repetitive behavior was said to have become “fixated” at levels of primary and secondary circular reactions. Repetitive motor mannerisms directed toward the self were said to represent primary circular reactions, whereas repetitive motor mannerisms directed toward the environment were said to represent secondary circular reactions. Fixation, in this regard, was representative of not only a slower development but also a deceleration and termination of progress in the latter stages of the developmental period, in which continuing cognitive growth was anticipated. In sum, fixation was thought to occur when the course of normal development was disrupted as a result of inadequate learning experience, lack of appropriate stimuli, absence of critical role models, or physical and/or cognitive impairment.
Accordingly, self-injurious behavior is viewed as resulting from the stalling of an otherwise normal and transient stage of development. Repetitive self-injurious behavior has been observed in 5% of normally developing infants and toddlers before the age of 36 months,23 usually in the form of head banging in the crib and usually with the clear communicative intent to be picked up, fed, burped, changed, or comforted because of sickness. The advent of language in the normally developing child results in no further self-injury. For children with autism spectrum disorder and mental retardation who fail to acquire language, repetitive self-injurious behavior becomes stereotypic in nature because of a “fixed primary circular reaction” based in earlier learning, in which it proved to be an efficacious means of communicating protest and discomfort and/or gaining access to care and comforting measures. It may be argued that this same line of reasoning, which overlaps extensively with the positive and negative reinforcement hypotheses of learning theory, may be applied to adolescents with impulsive self-injurious behavior and borderline personality disorder, in which a constant demand for attention is characteristic of the disorder, or those with affective disorder, in which the need to communicate distress and access safety and comforting measures may be paramount.
ORGANIC THEORY
According to organic theory, self-injurious behavior may be the product either of a genetic disorder or a nongenetic health condition. Smith-Magenis syndrome,24 Lesch-Nyhan syndrome,25 Prader-Willi syndrome,26 Cornelia de Lange syndrome,27 and Rett syndrome28 are examples of mental retardation syndromes in which chronic self-injury is characteristic of the developmental disorder. A complex motor tic, such as self-slapping or skin picking, associated with Tourette syndrome29 also is an example of a genetic disorder that may involve stereotyped self-injury. However, organic theory also allows for self-injurious behavior to occur as an artifact of a nongenetic health condition, such as epilepsy,30 otitis media,31 headache, toothache and constipation,32 menstrual pain,33 gastroesophageal reflux disease,34 and sleep difficulties.35 Children with autism spectrum disorders and mental retardation who are nonverbal and lack an effective means for communicating distress and illness may resort to self-injury in the form of repeatedly pressing or hitting an affected area possibly to achieve an anesthetic effect, or they may merely attack the affected area out of frustration over the discomfort it creates. Adolescents with personality disorder and/or affective illness also may experience an increased risk of impulsive self-injury as the result of an unrecognized health condition that produces pain, elevates discomfort, increases anxiety and agitation, or depresses mood. In this regard, they, too, may engage in self-injurious behavior in order to gain access to the “sense of relief” commonly reported to follow an episode of impulsive self-injury.
NEUROBIOLOGICAL THEORY
The dopamine hypothesis36 is pursued largely because of the known association of alterations in basal ganglia dopamine with repetitive behaviors and the behavioral comparability of seemingly driven repetitive behavior with stereotypical and impulsive forms of self-injury. According to the dopamine hypothesis, self-injurious behavior results from a deficiency of dopamine that causes receptor sites to develop “supersensitivity” to the neurotransmitter, so that low levels of dopamine across the transmission sites create exaggerated excitability and result in basal ganglia dysfunction. Support for a dopamine hypothesis is derived from positron emission tomographic studies that demonstrate dopaminergic deficits associated with Lesch-Nyhan syndrome, a disorder characterized by stereotyped self-injury in the form of repetitive lip and finger biting. Additional support may be observed in studies of children with autism in which bromocriptine, a dopamine agonist, produced marked improvement in a variety of repetitive behavior disorders, as well as studies of so-called atypical antipsychotics, which block D2 dopamine receptors and have been observed to be moderately effective in decreasing self-injury in children with developmental disabilities.
According to the serotoninergic hypothesis,37 self-injurious behavior is caused by alterations in serotoninergic functioning that result in pathologically altered mood and, ultimately, failure of impulse control. Approximately 50% of adolescents with personality disorder and/or affective disorder admit to thinking about engaging in self-injury less than 1 hour before acting to cut or burn themselves. The serotonin hypothesis also gains support from findings that serotonin uptake inhibitors, such as clomipramine, have been demonstrated as a moderately effective treatment of self-injurious behavior. Additional support for a serotoninergic hypothesis is derived from studies that have shown increased self-injury after depletion or administration of selected precursors that act on serotoninergic neurotransmission.
The role of endogenous opiates38 in self-injurious behavior is sought to explain both stereotyped and impulsive responding. In this regard, it has been hypothesized that for some children and adolescents, specifically, those with a demonstrated insensitivity to pain, self-injury may occur in response to a state of sensory depression brought about by chronic elevation of endogenous opiates. A second and more widely postulated theory suggests that some children with autism spectrum disorder and mental retardation may engage in stereotyped self-injurious behavior in order to gain access to endogenous opiates and, more specifically, to the favorable sensory consequence associated with its narcotic effect. This same line of reasoning may be applied to adolescents with borderline personality disorder or affective illness. Thus, gaining access to endogenous opiates through self-injury may, ironically, result in an improved sense of well-being. It is further speculated that the same children and adolescents may continue to hurt themselves, day after day, because they become addicted to the rewarding sensory consequence of the endorphins.
PSYCHODYNAMIC THEORY
Psychodynamic theory was formulated primarily as an attempt to explain impulsive self-injury in adolescent (and adult) populations with comorbid personality and affective disorders.39 It is based on the self-disclosures of individuals with a history of self-injurious behavior and, to a greater extent, on the interpretation of these self-reports by professionals charged with providing treatment. Consequently, several hypotheses generated by psychodynamic theory cannot be empirically validated. However, many of the proposed causal mechanisms very clearly and extensively overlap with much of what has been previously reviewed with regard to learning, self-regulatory, developmental, organic, and neurobiological theories. In this regard, psychodynamic theory purports that children and adolescents engage in self-injury for a variety of reasons,40 including (1) to gain access to care and comforting; (2) to distract themselves from emotional pain by causing physical pain; (3) to act as a compromise between life and death drives; (4) to punish themselves; (5) to relieve tension; (6) to feel “real” by feeling pain or seeing evidence of injury; (7) to end a dissociative episode; (8) to feel numb, “zoned out,” calm, or at peace; (9) to experience euphoric feelings; (10) to communicate their pain, anger, or other emotions to others; and (11) to nurture themselves through the process of the self-care of their wounds.
Diagnosis and Assessment Issues
Although most stereotyped and impulsive self-injurious responders are children with developmental disabilities and adolescents with serious personality disorders and/or affective illness, respectively, not every child or adolescent with these diagnoses engages in self-injurious behavior. Therefore, the assessment of self-injury must go beyond merely identifying neurodevelopmental characteristics and comorbid psychiatric features. It also must advance beyond listing the topography of the self-injury and establishing its magnitude or severity. The assessment of self-injury must be comprehensive and designed to identify the reason why the child or adolescent engages in the behavior. Seeking to establish the role of self-injury in the behavioral repertoire of a child or adolescent is an approach known as the functional assessment of behavior.41 Conducting a functional assessment of self-injurious behavior is crucial in determining which of the previously mentioned motivational and/or biological hypotheses (and combinations thereof) may be operational for any specific child.
A functional behavioral assessment of self-injury includes analyzing both the antecedent and consequent conditions that surround the self-injurious act: that is, assessing the conditions that immediately preceded the self-injurious response, as well as what resulted for the child or adolescent after he or she engaged in the self-injurious behavior. The goal of the functional assessment is to delineate causal circumstances—the events that prompted or cued the child or adolescent to engage in self-injury—as well as to identify the function or role served by the self-injurious behavior. Did the self-injury result in social attention? Did it facilitate escape from a nonpreferred or unpleasant situation? Was it a response to isolation or boredom? Did it appear to have a communicative intent, such as protest? Was the child sick (fever, headache, toothache, stomachache)? Does the child have a history of complex motor tic disorder? Does the child have a genetic disorder (mental retardation syndrome) or a chronic medical condition (epilepsy) or psychiatric condition (affective disorder)? Did the injury appear (ironically) to provide relief from discomfort? These and similar questions, including the developmental history of the behavior, must be addressed through a careful analysis of conditions surrounding the self-injurious event in order to determine the function or role played by self-injury and, consequently, how best it may be treated.
A variety of structured interviews, such as the Functional Assessment Interview,42 the Functional Assessment Checklist for Teachers and Staff,43 and the Student Guided Functional Assessment Interview,44 as well as standardized questionnaires, such as the Questions About Behavioral Function Scale,45 the Motivation Assessment Scale,46 the Stereotypy Analysis Scale,47 and the Detailed Behavior Report,48 may be used to gather information about the antecedent and consequent stimuli that may be acting to maintain stereotyped self-injurious behavior in children and adolescents with developmental disabilities. Similarly, a functional approach to the assessment of self-harm in adolescents who engage in impulsive, superficial forms of self-injury may use a variety of structured interview techniques and questionnaires, including the Functional Assessment of Self-Mutilation Scale,49 the Self-Harm Behavior Questionnaire,50 and the Self-Harm Inventory.51 The Scale Points for Lethality Assessment52